The Libertarian Case For Private Nuclear Weapons

Whenever statists push for restrictions on private ownership of firearms and libertarians defend the right to keep and bear arms, some statists will attempt a reductio ad absurdum in the form of asking libertarians whether it should be permissible for private individuals to own nuclear weapons. The libertarians will usually back down, after which their inconsistency allows the statist to win the argument. But there is no need to do this. Let us explore why private ownership of nuclear weapons not only fails as a reductio ad absurdum in the gun control debate, but is actually essential for the creation and maintenance of a stateless society, along with other benefits.

Background

The starting point for all of libertarian ethics is self-ownership, that each person has a right to exclusive control of one’s physical body and full responsibility for actions committed with said control. Note that in order to argue against self-ownership, one must exercise exclusive control of one’s physical body for the purpose of communication. This results in a performative contradiction because the content of the argument is at odds with the act of making the argument. By the laws of excluded middle and non-contradiction, self-ownership must be true because it must be either true or false, and any argument that self-ownership is false is false by contradiction.

Because each person has a right to exclusive control of one’s physical body, it is wrong for one person to initiate interference with another person’s exclusive control of their physical body without their consent. This is how the non-aggression principle is derived from self-ownership. Because each person has full responsibility for the actions that one commits with one’s physical body, one may gain property rights in external objects by laboring upon unowned natural resources, and one owes restitution for any acts of aggression that one commits against other people or their property. But because the non-aggression principle and private property rights are derived from self-ownership, they are dependent upon it. That which is dependent cannot overrule that upon which it is dependent, therefore self-ownership takes primacy if there should be a conflict between the self-ownership of one person and the external private property rights of another person. Furthermore, the theory of negative homesteading allows one to harm innocent shields if one is under attack and it is impossible to defend oneself without doing so.

Theoretical Objections Rebutted

Now that a logical framework is established, let us consider the issue of private ownership of nuclear weapons. Note that there are two cases which must be considered concurrently; that of of private ownership versus state control, and that of private ownership versus nuclear-free. Following the essentials of libertarian ethics, one may rightfully own anything if one creates it by laboring upon unowned natural resources. Furthermore, one may trade or gift anything one owns because an inability to do so would not constitute exclusive control. The burden upon the opponent of private nuclear weapon ownership is to show that mere possession of such a device inherently constitutes an act of aggression against people and/or their property, that state control is superior to private control, or that a free society would not have such weapons in the first place. Many arguments have been made to support this position, so let us examine them.

First, there is the argument that nuclear weapons were created through state programs and would not exist otherwise. This response attempts to deal purely in theory while remaining devoid of any context or practical application, all while claiming an astounding level of prescience concerning a counterfactual world in which no states survived into the 20th century. In reality, science and technology march on regardless of government involvement, albeit along a different path. While one may reasonably assume that a stateless world would have no Manhattan Project, it is entirely possible that the economic growth possible in the absence of statism could have funded scientific research and technological innovation to such an extent that nuclear technology could have been discovered earlier. It is quite implausible that no one would have discovered the possibility of nuclear weapons and tested it by experiment by now, and all but impossible that this would never become an issue in the future. A variant of this argument is that nuclear weapons are too expensive for individuals to develop, purchase, or maintain. This is also highly suspect because wealth levels tend to increase over time, meaning nuclear weapons (and everything else) will be more affordable in the future, if they are not affordable now (which is doubtful).

Second, some will argue that unlike small arms, a nuclear weapon is always pointed at someone. The implication is that such a device cannot be stored safely, and so must not be stored at all. The problem with this argument is that it confuses risk with aggression, accident with intent, and incompetence with malice. This argument also demonstrates a misunderstanding of the construction of nuclear weapons; like small arms, they may be stored in such a condition as to be unavailable for immediate use. We also cannot take this argument to its logical conclusion, as doing so would prohibit any activity which potentially endangers someone, such as flying aircraft or spacecraft, transporting hazardous materials by rail or pipeline, or even driving cars. However, there is one legitimate concern raised by this argument; that of radiation pollution from improper storage. But a free society could deal with radiation pollution by much the same procedure as it would use for any other form of air or water pollution.

Third, there is the argument that nuclear weapons necessarily kill innocent people because of their area and duration of effect. This argument, like the first, requires an impossible kind of knowledge, as no one may know precisely what area and duration of effect that a weapon may need in order to stop some future aggressor. Without such knowledge, this argument would set an arbitrary and capricious limit upon weapon ownership, as every weapon has some area and duration of effect. Furthermore, this argument is a straw man because even if this argument were completely valid, it would only prohibit the use of nuclear weapons, not their manufacture, possession, or trade. This is because the mere possession of an object cannot constitute aggression; only the use or threat of use in a manner which may harm innocent people and property constitutes aggression. Finally, under the theory of negative homesteading, killing innocent people can be acceptable if they are being used as human shields by an aggressor and it is impossible to subdue the aggressor without harming the human shields.

Fourth, there is the possibility that a mentally unstable person who would seek to use one in anger may acquire one. This is a serious concern, but there is no answer for it now that such weapons exist. While it is in the rational self-interest of everyone who is mentally stable to keep such munitions out of the hands of those who have a first-use policy, and it would be justified to use any means necessary to prevent those who have a first-use policy from obtaining and/or using nuclear weapons, there can be no guarantee that this disaster will not happen. A notable subset of this problem is that of the nuclear extortionist who says, “I want X or that city over there gets it!” But everyone who understands economics or psychology knows that subsidized behavior will become more frequent, resulting in more extortionists and more payments. We can therefore expect that the proper response of extermination of anyone who makes such threats will be used. Even if this results in a few uses of nuclear weapons, it is far better than the alternative. Furthermore, this scenario does not depend on nuclear weapons, as conventional explosives can easily be scaled up to sufficient size to cause this problem.

Fifth, there is the argument that technology will march on and render nuclear weapons obsolete. This argument does not address the issue because whatever technology would replace nuclear fission and fusion (e.g. matter-antimatter reactors) would have even more destructive potential if weaponized.

Sixth, there is the argument that nuclear weapons exist on a scale that makes mass murder and destruction too easy. But this can be true of any increase in firepower. (And who shall draw the line between what is too easy and what is not?) As military technology marches on and increases in scale, so does peaceful technology. That which would have eliminated an ancient tribe of hunter-gatherers may go almost unnoticed in a modern community, and a nuclear explosion may go almost unnoticed in an interstellar civilization. That which seems too powerful today may be laughable in the future.

Finally, there is the argument that a nuclear weapon is too powerful for a civilian to own, and thus the state should maintain control of them. But states created this issue in the first place (at least in our timeline), immunize themselves from responsibility for their pollution, suffer no serious consequences from threatening innocent people with nuclear weapons, are harder to stop from delivering nuclear weapons to those with a first-use policy, and are subject to the same mutually assured destruction as would be a private owner. As such, state control is actually the greater of two evils given that nuclear weapons exist. Note that in order to be consistent, one would also have to oppose private ownership of non-nuclear devices of equal or greater strength, even if used for peaceful purposes such as mining. As for the level of strength, this argument would set another arbitrary and capricious limit upon weapon ownership at the minimum possible yield for a nuclear warhead.

The Positive Case

With the theoretical arguments against private nuclear weapons rebutted, let us consider the good that private nuclear weapon ownership can do. First, nuclear weapons have a history of preventing total warfare, the most destructive statist activity. Before nuclear weapons were invented, rulers could invade other countries with little chance of being personally affected by the violence. When only the United States had nuclear weapons, Truman was able to use them against Hiroshima and Nagasaki with impunity. But once the Soviets exploded RDS-1 on August 29, 1949, the monopoly on nuclear capability was lost, never to be regained. The advent of mutually assured destruction meant that anyone who dared to use nuclear weapons could expect to be hit with them in return in a matter of hours (minutes with modern delivery systems). While the ruling classes used the funds they extorted from their populations to build shelters to survive a nuclear exchange, they knew that such survival would not truly be life; they would have no useful territory to control and no people to rule upon emerging from their bunkers. As such, the creation of nuclear weapons has led to a more peaceful world, at least in terms of major wars between world powers. It stands to reason that the acquisition of nuclear weapons by private individuals or defense agencies would take all-out warfare off the table for them as well, as the incentives which apply concerning nuclear-armed states also apply concerning nuclear-armed private individuals or defense agencies.

As a corollary of the first point, possessing nuclear weapons allows one to spend less resources on maintaining conventional military forces, thus freeing up resources to be used for other purposes. Just as the United States has generally lowered its military budget as a percent of GDP since nuclear weapons were invented (with a few exceptions for wars), a private defense agency can also lower costs by maintaining a small number of nuclear missiles rather than a much more numerous conventional arsenal. This also means that military equipment providers will have less influence over the society than they otherwise would, thus lessening the likelihood that they can start a conflict for their own profiteering.

Third, the transition from statism to anarcho-capitalism will almost certainly not occur overnight. There will almost certainly be a period of time in which some parts of the world still have governments while other parts of the world are anarchist control zones, regardless of the means used to circumvent or abolish existing states. When this happens, the stateless people will have economic advantages over those who live under the burden of government currency debasement, regulation, and taxation. Eventually, this will lead to conflict as rulers blame the anarcho-capitalists for luring away people and resources that governments need to continue functioning. States in this time period will be dealing with an existential threat of a sort that they have not faced in time memorial and to which they have no answers other than to abolish themselves or use violence. Those in power who are unwilling to give up violent dominion and live peacefully with their fellow human beings could consider this situation worthy of using nuclear weapons, and if the anarcho-capitalists wish to survive and win this conflict, they will need to wield equal or greater firepower themselves. In this sense, private ownership of nuclear weapons will be vitally important for the effort to abolish statism.

Fourth, private nuclear weapons have peaceful uses, such as mining, excavation, asteroid deflection, and propulsion. Looking forward, humanity must form a space-faring civilization if it is to survive long-term, and it is in this final frontier that nuclear devices have their utmost potential. Nuclear weapons are capable of providing a powerful defense against an asteroid which could threaten all life on a planet, whether they are used to alter its course or to blast it into pieces which are sufficiently small to burn up in the atmosphere before impacting the surface. Short of destroying or deflecting such an object, nuclear weapons could be used to excavate asteroids for the purpose of mining their interiors for valuable metals which are not commonly found elsewhere. Nuclear weapons can also be useful for getting to such an asteroid, as well as more general space travel. A series of nuclear explosions detonated behind a ship designed to absorb the impact and be propelled by it is the most primitive effective method of achieving the velocities needed to make long-distance space travel feasible.

Practical Objections Rebutted

Although there is a strong positive case for private nuclear weapons, some people still have difficulties with the practical aspects of their ownership. As such, it is necessary to consider some practical objections to their ownership.

First, there is the argument that in a stateless society, private individuals or defense agencies would not have an incentive to have nuclear weapons. But no nuclear-armed state has ever been invaded by a foreign power, and this cannot be said of any other class of weapon. This perfect track record is an extremely powerful incentive for a private individual or defense agency who seeks defense against invasion. Private defense agencies would also realize economic benefits from maintaining a nuclear deterrent versus maintaining a much more numerous conventional military force to achieve the same purpose.

Second, there is the argument that regardless of the theoretical soundness of private nuclear weapon ownership, people will view nuclear weapon owners with suspicion and seek to destroy them in order to eliminate the potential danger posed by them. The problem with such an effort is that aside from it being aggression against people and property, it greatly increases the likelihood of a nuclear weapon being used, especially if its owner is vastly outgunned or has no other weapons available. Note that assassination markets are not an answer, as a nuclear weapon owner could respond to the possibility of assassination by connecting the launch mechanism to one’s vital signs and programming the weapon to activate if one’s vital signs terminate in such a way as to indicate murder. As such, it makes far more sense to only target nuclear weapon owners who actually make threats of their use.

Finally, there is the concern that a person or defense agency in possession of a nuclear weapon can make demands of everyone else because of their power. This concern is a variant of the mentally unstable person who would seek to use one in anger discussed earlier, and is subject to the same rebuttal as well as the threat of mutually assured destruction.

Conclusion

Socrates once said,

“I only wish that ordinary people had an unlimited capacity for doing harm; then they might have an unlimited power for doing good.”

It is hard to imagine a greater embodiment of this idea at present than privately owned nuclear weapons. The logical case for their ownership is clear, and the objections in favor of either state control or complete elimination do not withstand scrutiny. While the prospect can be terrifying, the alternative is even worse, as the only way to prevent private nuclear weapon ownership from becoming a reality someday is to endure statism in perpetuity while bringing all innovation to a complete standstill. This would eventually result in a purposefully engineered Malthusian catastrophe on par with the most gruesome horror fiction, and the death toll would certainly be greater than that of a society which embraces freedom and nuclear technology. Fortunately, we will escape that fate because those who accept nuclear weapons for their legitimate uses will have an advantage over those who do not. In the words of Foo Quuxman,

“The ones who use it will inherit the stars. Those who don’t will be left to scratch out an existence on a single rock until something wipes it clean.”

Seven observations on Brexit

On June 23, the United Kingdom held a referendum on whether it should stay in the European Union or become independent from it. The people voted to leave by a margin of 17,410,742 (51.89%) to 16,141,241 (48.11%). Seven observations on this event follow.

1. Neither polls nor bets are reliable means of predicting elections. Leading up to the vote, almost all polls indicated a Remain vote. Bettors, who frequently predict election results better than polls do, were even more in favor of a Remain result. Yet Leave was victorious. This, along with other polling mishaps both recently and historically, calls into question the usefulness of polls for measuring public support for issues and candidates.

2. Leftists favor democracy until people vote against leftist goals. Following the Brexit vote, a petition to hold a re-vote was started, which has since gained over 2.5 million signatures. This is par for the course for leftist elites, who pay lip service to democracy while trying to undermine it for their own ends. Whether they put their thumbs on the scales through election fraud, demographic displacement, or simply re-voting until they get their desired result and then stopping re-voting, democracy is only a means to an end for the left. The impact is best summarized by Hans-Hermann Hoppe, “Democracy has nothing to do with freedom. Democracy is a soft variant of communism, and only rarely in the history of ideas has it been taken for anything else.”

3. When one side of a debate uses facts and the other side uses fear, the side with facts is correct. The Leave campaign consisted primarily of a reasoned case for why the UK would be better off independent from the European Union, while the Remain campaign consisted mostly of fear-mongering. The use of scare tactics in an argument is a sign that the user has no rational case to make, otherwise one should be expected to use logic and evidence. We may therefore conclude that the Leave campaign made a superior case.

4. This is only the beginning of a long process. The referendum was advisory, meaning that it is not legally binding. In theory, the British Parliament could choose not to implement Brexit and deal with the wrath of voters in response. It is also possible that a two-thirds majority of MPs could call for a general election in which a party campaigns against Brexit. If that party wins, then they could claim that their election result counters the referendum.

If Brexit goes forward, the UK must invoke Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty, which specifies how member states may leave the European Union. The UK will then have two years to negotiate its withdrawal, at which point it will be removed from the EU regardless of whether said negotiations are concluded. During this process, the UK will be subject to EU treaties and laws but will have no say in its decisions.

5. This is likely to be only the first secession of many more to come. While England and Wales both voted for Leave, Scotland and Northern Ireland both voted for Remain. In response, there are calls for another vote for Scotland to leave the UK in order to stay in the EU. (One such vote was held in 2014; Scots voted 55.3% in favor of remaining in the UK.) There is also talk of Irish reunification (Northern Ireland leaving the UK) for the same purpose.

The successful vote in the UK has resulted in calls for similar referendums in Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, and Sweden. It is quite possible that one or more of these nations will also leave, throwing the very survival of the EU into question. There is also a recent history of secessionist movements within European nations gaining traction, such as the Catalan independence movement.

6. This is an excellent buying opportunity for investors. Upon news of the Brexit vote, world financial markets tumbled. The Dow Jones Industrial Average lost 610.32 points (-3.39%), the NASDAQ lost 202.06 points (-4.12%), the S&P 500 lost 75.91 points (-3.59%), and the Russell 2000 lost 44.68 points (-3.81%). British and Chinese markets fell slightly less, while German and Japanese markets lost a larger percentage. Gold gained $59.30 per ounce (4.69%) as investors fled to safety, while the British pound fell to $1.35, its lowest exchange rate since 1985. But nothing has really changed to warrant such a selloff. Business will continue as usual for at least the next few months, and the UK will not be fully independent until late 2018 at the earliest. The downturn is more emotional than substantial, and therefore presents an excellent buying opportunity for anyone sitting on the sidelines holding capital.

7. Leftist cries of racism and xenophobia will backfire. Predictably, leftist elites have yet again failed to engage in any self-reflection concerning their policies, which have enriched themselves at the expense of the common person for at least a generation. Their immigration policies have depressed wages, endangered safety, and eroded cultural identities. Their foreign policies have contributed to terrorism. Their domestic policies have led to increasing police statism. But rather than acknowledge that they have done wrong, the leftist elites have decided to deride the voting public as racists and xenophobes. Not only does this misunderstand what motivates most people to vote against the establishment, it will only serve to throw gasoline onto the fire. There is a proverb in the Deep South of the United States, “If you knock on the devil’s door long enough, someone will answer you.” At some point, the common people will conclude that if they will be accused of racism and xenophobia, then they might as well embrace those ideas. To some extent, this has already happened with the rise of the alt-right, but that movement has plenty of room to grow and newly fertile ground in which to do so. A reaction of openly racist people is coming, and matters will get ugly.

Supreme Court upholds racism, rejects meritocracy

On June 23, the Supreme Court announced its decision in the case of Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin, which decided whether an admissions system which considers the race of the applicant is constitutional. In Texas, the top ten percent of high school students are guaranteed admission if they want it. The remainder of the incoming freshman class, about 25 percent, is filled by considering the academic performance as well as other factors, race being among them. The “Top Ten Percent” law has been in effect since 1997, and UT-Austin has been using its current admissions process since 2004. UT-Austin adopted its current policy after concluding that its prior race-neutral process did not reach its goal of a more diverse student body. The justices decided by a 4-3 vote that “[t]he race-conscious admissions program in use at the time of petitioner’s application is lawful under the Equal Protection Clause.” UT-Austin may therefore continue using its current system.

The majority opinion was delivered by Justice Anthony Kennedy and was joined by Justices Stephen Breyer, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and Sonia Sotomayor. Justice Clarence Thomas filed a dissenting opinion. Justice Samuel Alito filed another dissenting opinion which was joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Thomas. Justice Elena Kagan recused herself from the case.

Writing for the majority, Justice Kennedy said, “A university is in large part defined by those intangible ‘qualities which are incapable of objective measurement but which make for greatness.’ Considerable deference is owed to a university in defining those intangible characteristics, like student body diversity, that are central to its identity and educational mission. But still, it remains an enduring challenge to our Nation’s education system to reconcile the pursuit of diversity with the constitutional promise of equal treatment and dignity. In striking this sensitive balance, public universities, like the States themselves, can serve as ‘laboratories for experimentation.’ The University of Texas at Austin has a special opportunity to learn and to teach. The University now has at its disposal valuable data about the manner in which different approaches to admissions may foster diversity or instead dilute it. The University must continue to use this data to scrutinize the fairness of its admissions program; to assess whether changing demographics have undermined the need for a race-conscious policy; and to identify the effects, both positive and negative, of the affirmative-action measures it deems necessary. The Court’s affirmance of the University’s admissions policy today does not necessarily mean the University may rely on that same policy without refinement. It is the University’s ongoing obligation to engage in constant deliberation and continued reflection regarding its admissions policies.”

In his dissent, Justice Thomas said, “[T]he Court’s decision today is irreconcilable with strict scrutiny, rests on pernicious assumptions about race, and departs from many of our precedents. I write separately to reaffirm that ‘a State’s use of race in higher education admissions decisions is categorically prohibited by the Equal Protection Clause.’ ‘The Constitution abhors classifications based on race because every time the government places citizens on racial registers and makes race relevant to the provision of burdens or benefits, it demeans us all.’ That constitutional imperative does not change in the face of a ‘faddish theory’ that racial discrimination may produce ‘educational benefits.’ The Court was wrong to hold otherwise in Grutter v. Bollinger (2003). I would overrule Grutter and reverse the Fifth Circuit’s judgment.”

In his dissent, Justice Alito said, “Something strange has happened since our prior decision in this case. In that decision, we held that strict scrutiny requires the University of Texas at Austin (UT or University) to show that its use of race and ethnicity in making admissions decisions serves compelling interests and that its plan is narrowly tailored to achieve those ends. Rejecting the argument that we should defer to UT’s judgment on those matters, we made it clear that UT was obligated (1) to identify the interests justifying its plan with enough specificity to permit a reviewing court to determine whether the requirements of strict scrutiny were met, and (2) to show that those requirements were in fact satisfied. On remand, UT failed to do what our prior decision demanded. The University has still not identified with any degree of specificity the interests that its use of race and ethnicity is supposed to serve. Its primary argument is that merely invoking ‘the educational benefits of diversity’ is sufficient and that it need not identify any metric that would allow a court to determine whether its plan is needed to serve, or is actually serving, those interests. This is nothing less than the plea for deference that we emphatically rejected in our prior decision. Today, however, the Court inexplicably grants that request. To the extent that UT has ever moved beyond a plea for deference and identified the relevant interests in more specific terms, its efforts have been shifting, unpersuasive, and, at times, less than candid.”

The case began in 2008 when Abigail Fisher, a Caucasian woman who was not in the top ten percent of her high school class, was denied admission to UT-Austin’s freshman class. She filed suit, alleging that the University’s consideration of race in its admissions process disadvantaged Caucasian people in violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The U.S. District Court and the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals sided with the University. The Supreme Court vacated the judgment in 2013 and remanded the case back to the Court of Appeals, which again sided with the University.

In the interest of fairness, it must be noted that this was an exceptionally poor test case. Of the 47 students with grades lower than Fisher’s who were admitted, only five of them were racial minorities. There were also 168 racial minority students with grades equal or greater to Fisher’s who were denied admission that year. Furthermore, Fisher turned down an offer under which she could have attended another Texas university her freshman year, earned at least a 3.2 GPA, and transferred to UT-Austin for her sophomore year. But what of a white student with a superior record to that of Fisher, but not quite in the automatic top ten percent? Such a student can be denied admission under standards like that of UT-Austin (which exist elsewhere as well) in favor of a student of minority race with inferior academic performance. The Supreme Court has affirmed a standard of racial diversity over pure meritocracy, and because there are measurable intelligence differences between population groups, has upheld a policy of anti-white and (anti-Asian) racism in doing so.

Eleven observations on the Orlando shooting

At 2:00 a.m. on June 12, a terrorist who pledged allegiance to the Islamic State attacked a gay nightclub in Orlando, Fla., killing 49 people and injuring 53 others. Police later killed the shooter during a hostage standoff. The attack was the deadliest mass shooting by a single gunman in U.S. history, the deadliest incident of violence against LGBT people in U.S. history, and the deadliest terrorist attack in the U.S. since the attacks of September 11, 2001. Eleven observations on this incident follow.

1. A gun-free zone is a victim disarmament zone. The Pulse nightclub was a gun-free zone. But criminals are defined by the fact that they disregard laws as well as the wishes of private property owners. As such, the only people who would have a gun in a gun-free zone would be government agents and criminals (but I repeat myself). Mass shooters usually choose gun-free zones to attack, as they know that they will almost certainly not be facing citizens who can shoot back.

2. Politicians will never let a crisis go to waste. Before the dead bodies were even cold, leftists predictably began calling for tougher gun control measures. To politicize a tragedy and use it to put emotion above reason and evidence is par from the course for those who seek to expand the power of the state and curtail individual rights. Like other mass shooters before him, this gunman was undeterred by the background checks which are in place, as he had no felony convictions, no domestic violence convictions, no restraining orders against him, no dishonorable discharge from the military, was not a fugitive from justice, was never committed to a mental institution, and was not denied a firearm purchase by mistake. No measures that have been proposed would have disarmed the shooter without also disarming many innocent people.

3. Internal conflicts that are irreconcilable predictably lead to violence. The shooter was both gay and Muslim. The Quran condemns homosexuality, and some schools of Islamic jurisprudence support capital punishment for it, especially those linked to terrorism. As such, the shooter had a belief that an aspect of his being that he could not change made him worthy of death or other severe punishment. Those who think so lowly of themselves are unlikely to think highly of others, especially others who share that aspect of one’s being. Those who think lowly of themselves and others are far more likely to commit violent crimes than those who have a healthy sense of self-respect and respect for others.

4. Government has not solved this problem because it cannot. Governments are effective at destroying other centralized entities. If there is a physical target that can be bombed or a living person that can be exterminated, states are usually able to carry out those acts. (Of course, they frequently go overboard with their bombings and killings, which motivates more people to become terrorists, but statists rarely care about this, as prolonged war is prolonged health of the state.) The regimes of the Taliban and Saddam Hussein quickly fell after the U.S. military invaded their respective lands. But in their wake came decentralized enemies in the form of anti-occupation insurgents, online jihadist recruitment, and home-grown lone-wolf terrorists. These have proven impossible for governments to stop. After all, governments, with their bureaucratic red tape and intrinsic inefficiencies, must be correct every time in order to prevent all terrorist attacks. Islamic jihadists, with their ability to remotely recruit and train new terrorists anywhere in the world, need only be correct once to carry out each attack. When governments do catch such terrorists, they must do so either through a legally dubious entrapment scheme or by catching the terrorist after an attack has been carried out. Even these arrests sometimes occur after private citizens find terrorists who evade government agents.

5. Even if governments could stop terrorism, it would not be in their interest to do so. If the War on Terrorism were won, then the rationale for police statism and massive military spending would vanish. If the War on Terrorism were lost, then the state would fail at the one job that it is supposedly solely capable of performing, namely keeping its people safe. The ideology of Islamic terrorists disallows a draw, so the only other option is an endless war.

6. Part of the solution is division, not unification. People cannot peacefully coexist with people who want to kill them. If people cannot peacefully coexist, then they need to separate. It makes perfect sense for an LGBT establishment to ban known adherents of a religion that considers LGBT people to be fair targets for killing. But governments interfere with the private property rights and freedom of association of their citizens by enforcing laws against discrimination, thus preventing people from taking necessary and proper measures to ensure their safety.

7. Some religions are more dangerous than others. There are many religions which call for violence against non-believers as well as violence against people who engage in certain sexual practices, even if those practices do no harm to anyone who is not a willing participant. But in the contemporary world, Islam has a disproportionate percentage of followers who believe that such violence is legitimate.

8. In the digital age, dead men can still tell tales. The shooter was radicalized in part by videos made by Anwar al-Awlaki, a pro-terrorism imam. Although Awlaki was killed in a drone strike in September 2011, his videos live on at various locations on the Internet. As such, killing recruiters for terrorism is no longer sufficient to stop them.

9. A backlash is likely to follow. Just as far-right anti-immigrant movements gained ground following the Paris attacks and the Brussels attacks, they are likely to do so again, especially with the rise of Donald Trump. Although the shooter was born in New York and raised in Florida, his parents immigrated from Afghanistan. His father is a well-known Taliban sympathizer who holds anti-American and anti-LGBT views. In a sense, it is worse for a person born and raised in a country to commit a terrorist attack there than for an immigrant to do so, as it suggests a fundamental incompatibility between cultures.

10. The terrorist has blood on his hands, but so does the American government. The American government allowed the shooter’s parents to enter the country despite their own radicalism, banned discrimination, conducted an interventionist foreign policy that motivated terrorists like this one to retaliate, and failed to stop him despite knowing that he was a threat. While the ultimate responsibility for evil acts falls upon those who commit the acts, there is a vicarious responsibility upon the American government for taking actions which made the attacks possible and likely.

11. Terrorism cannot be solved by more terrorism. Merriam-Webster defines terrorism as “the use of violent acts to frighten the people in an area as a way of trying to achieve a political goal.” Oxford defines terrorism as “the use of violence and intimidation in the pursuit of political aims.” A government is a group of people who exercise a monopoly on the initiation of force within a geographical area. In other words, a government uses violence and intimidation to keep its population obedient and manage external threats to its operation. This leads to an important truth that few wish to speak: every government is a terrorist organization. For decades, Western nations have attempted to defeat Islamic terrorism with more terrorism in the form of military interventions, to build Western democracies among populations whose cultures are incompatible with such an apparatus, and to arm one faction against another even though such weapons frequently fall into the hands of the most evil and destructive groups. What Western leaders fail to realize is that in the irrational game of Middle East politics, the only winning moves for them are to withdraw from the game or to knock over the board.

Fifteen Life Lessons from Lifting

Libertarians who have experience with weightlifting will know that there appears to be a correlation between having libertarian political views and being an active lifter. This is because the process of pumping iron and increasing one’s physical abilities has an effect on the mind as well. There are lessons that the iron has for those who are willing to listen, and these lessons provide a significant push in a libertarian direction. Let us examine some of these lessons.

1. You are responsible for your own advancement. While other people can give you advice on which exercises to perform, how many repetitions and sets to do, how much weight to use, how much of each food to consume, how much rest to get, and so on, no one can do the work but you. You must figure out how to sift through the available information, motivate yourself, and do the work to get the results you want. This is no different from any other aspect of life.

2. You must put something in to get something out. In the words of Ronnie Coleman, “Everybody wants to be a bodybuilder. Nobody wants to lift this heavy-ass weight!” Without proper effort, strength and endurance will not develop, fat will not be burned, and your health will not improve. Elsewhere in life, you cannot learn without listening, reading, watching, or thinking. You cannot start or improve relationships without spending time with people and treating them properly. You cannot maintain skills without practicing them. Results out requires effort in.

3. You cannot compensate for bad (or no) preparation. If you go into the gym after eating junk food (or nothing at all), or after laboring hard the previous day with inadequate rest, you will not lift as much as you could with proper preparation. In other aspects of life, a lack of studying will negatively impact your test scores and a lack of rest will lower your productivity at work. If you want success, prepare for it.

4. Targeting your weaknesses makes other aspects of your performance improve. When you reach your maximum weight for a particular lift, there is usually a particular muscle or group of muscles that is too weak to allow you to lift more. Exercises which isolate those muscles can not only help with that lift, but with other tasks as well. The same reasoning applies to other disciplines; fixing one bad technique while playing an instrument will make other techniques work better, eliminating one bad habit of studying will improve one’s overall learning ability, and so on.

5. Those who focus on appearance will have inferior performance. There are those who lift to look strong, and those who lift to be strong. Training for size involves more repetitions with less weight than training for strength. If one never ventures into one-rep-max loads, then it is possible to build a physique which looks impressive but does not perform as well as that of a smaller person. Outside of the gym, this lesson applies to people whose beauty is skin-deep and whose personality is superficial. They may appear to be attractive and polite, but underneath the surface they are inferior, if not rotten to the core. Which brings us to…

6. Appearances can be deceiving. Most people would look at a skinny person and believe that person to be in better shape than an overweight person. But there is a condition which trainers refer to as “skinny-fat,” which means that a person is thin but weak and deconditioned. Meanwhile, an overweight person may have a large amount of muscle mass in addition to a large amount of fat mass, which can allow them to perform well despite their extra baggage. In every other aspect of life, it is equally important to not judge a book by its cover, so to speak.

7. A positive attitude makes a real difference. In the words of Henry Ford, “Whether you think you can, or you think you can’t you’re right.” This is not entirely true, of course; lifting a weight which is far beyond one’s capabilities will not happen regardless of one’s attitude. But at the edge of what is possible, toughness and endurance are partly mental. A positive attitude can make the difference between making a new personal best lift and having to wait until the next time you perform that movement. This is true of any other activity; believing that you can do something makes it more likely that you will, whether in the moment or long-term.

8. All can boast; few can beast. Anyone can claim to be able to do anything, but extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence. Regardless of whether you tell yourself that you can move mountains or nothing at all, the iron is an arbiter of truth. Everyone has their own opinion, but 150 kilograms is 150 kilograms, and it cares not for anyone’s opinion. Elsewhere in life, you will encounter people who make dubious claims. Require evidence for them, and watch the wheat separate from the chaff.

9. There are different kinds of pain, each with a different meaning. The body is capable of experiencing several kinds of pain. Pain can be acute or chronic, caused by tissue damage or nerve damage. Most importantly for the lifter, there is a type of pain that represents weakness leaving the body, and a type of pain that warns you to stop. Failure to decipher which is which can lead to serious injury. This is true of all physical activities, regardless of whether they involve lifting.

10. Those who focus on one aspect of fitness while ignoring others will miss out. Moderation is important for achieving a healthy, well-balanced life. Those who lift heavy but ignore their cardiovascular health will have health problems later in life and a shorter lifespan. Those who never lift heavy will be physically weaker, less capable of dealing with stress, and be at greater risk for osteoporosis and falling as seniors. This is true in mental endeavors as well. Focusing only on mathematics while ignoring language studies will leave one ill-equipped to communicate one’s proofs. Focusing only on history while ignoring science will leave one ill-equipped to understand why certain events happened as they did. Whether physical or mental, do not be a specialist to the exclusion of other disciplines.

11. Actions have equal and opposite reactions. That which you work against will work against you. If you work against heavy weights, they will make you more like them. You will become heavier, larger, and harder to push around. If you work against light weights, these positive changes will happen slower, if at all. In life, this applies to the kind of associates one keeps as well as the larger tides of political change.

12. There are no shortcuts to any place worth going to. Every lifter knows that this one is about steroids. People use steroids because they work; they reduce the amount of recovery time needed before lifting again. But strength can be gained through a proper barbell program without resorting to substances which can cause long-term health problems, as well as land one in jail (although jail for steroid use would not happen in a libertarian society). Outside of the gym, cutting corners is a way to avoid learning needed skills while increasing the risk of an accident, which will eventually come back to haunt you. Shortcuts may seem like a benefit in the moment, but they always cause more trouble than they are worth in the long-term.

13. There are hard limits which cannot be surpassed. Even with the best training, diet, supplements, and rest, you can only do so much. You will not squat, bench, or deadlift 1000 kilograms. The human body is simply not capable of structurally supporting that kind of load. In other aspects of life, there are also hard limits, whether imposed by the laws of physics or the limitations of biology. It is important to recognize such limits and know that that which cannot be done should not be attempted.

14. There is no equality of outcome or opportunity; there can only be equality of freedom. Everyone has equal freedom to lift, in that unless someone has committed a crime and is being punished for it, no one has the right to deprive anyone else of access to gym equipment. But this is no guarantee of opportunity, let alone results. Some people have more opportunity because they have more access to resources which will help them recover from a tough workout. Some people will have better results because they work harder, work smarter, or are naturally inclined to be stronger. In all aspects of life, people have different amounts of potential and various levels of motivation, and will therefore achieve different amounts of success. This is because…

15. All people are not created equal. Each person has the same fundamental rights, but we are not all interchangeable cogs in a machine. There are measurable differences in performance not only between individuals, but between genders and ethnic groups. On average, a woman will lift about 30 percent less than a man of the same size, build, and experience level. Also note that most weightlifting world records are held by people from Asia or eastern Europe. Such differences occur not only with physical strength, but with intelligence and temperament as well. Whether such differences come from nature or nurture, they do exist and are measurable.

Requiem for a Dumpster Fire: The 2016 Libertarian National Convention

On May 27-30, the Libertarian Party held its national presidential nominating convention in Orlando, Fla. Over a thousand delegates from all 50 states attended the convention, along with dozens of guest speakers. Much of this was well and good, though some leftist degeneracy has infiltrated most corners of the libertarian community, and the guest seminars and panels were no exception. But none of this matters much to those who are not libertarians and/or have no interest in the inside baseball of the Libertarian Party. Those people were paying attention to the presidential and vice presidential debates, as well as the election processes for the party’s presidential ticket and national party offices. What they saw, at least from the standpoint of this philosophical libertarian, was a raging dumpster fire.

At the vice presidential debate on Friday, the audio quality was unbecoming of an organization seeking to put people into the White House. William Weld was generally lacking in passion and boldness, supported using the United Nations as a check against corrupt governments in third-world countries, and frequently diverged from straight answers in order to attack presumptive Republican nominee Donald Trump. Larry Sharpe seemed to believe that all punishment should be abolished and misidentified several historical figures as libertarians who were not. Will Coley was a mostly consistent libertarian, but managed to confuse non-aggression with pacifism. Alicia Dearn was more on point, but otherwise unremarkable. All four candidates were soft on the topic of violent revolution.

If the vice presidential debate was bad, then the presidential debate on Saturday was worse. The audio problems continued. Gary Johnson repeated the tired falsehood that libertarianism is social liberalism combined with economic conservatism, supported fixing Social Security rather than phasing it out, claimed that market forces had bankrupted coal companies (and was promptly corrected by Austin Petersen), supported for a consumption tax (which drew a round of boos from the audience), advocated regional banks rather than a free market in currency, declined to condemn the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, had no answer as to whether American involvement in the World Wars was justified, supported government involvement in marriage, favored the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (which drew a round of boos from the audience due to parts which violate private property rights and freedom of association), and supported government-issued driver’s licenses (which drew several rounds of boos from the audience). John McAfee defended keeping entitlement programs for older people. Petersen voiced support for a flat tax to fund Social Security, claimed that roads will be unnecessary because we will have jetpacks, and voiced support for the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Darryl Perry was wrong on some historical facts, but was generally a strong libertarian. Marc Allan Feldman mistakenly asserted that one cannot fight for one right without fighting for others, claimed that the Islamic religion cannot be blamed for terrorism, failed to realize that political leaders will want to engage in warfare if they perceive it to be in their interest, and was equivocal on the Civil Rights Act concerning private sector discrimination. All five candidates engaged in various degrees of openborders cuckery and said that there is no lesser evil between Republicans and Democrats.

The nominees were chosen on Sunday, and to the surprise of few, Johnson and Weld won, though neither earned a majority of delegate support on the first ballot. In this decision, the delegates decided to choose nominees with the most name recognition in hopes of reaching out to more voters at the cost of presenting a false message of what libertarianism is. This decision says that the Libertarian Party has forgotten its purpose as an educational tool and is instead trying to play the establishment’s game, thinking that the establishment is sufficiently divided against itself to allow an upstart challenger to the duopoly to have a chance. As such, they chose the most moderate, safe, mainstream, establishment candidates they could find to run with the banner of what is supposed to be an extreme, bold, anti-establishment party. But if history has taught us anything about third parties in America, it is that the two major parties always agree that no other party should be allowed to compete.

It would be bad enough if the heresies of Johnson and Weld were limited to their debate responses listed above, but there is much more. Johnson has a history of supporting military intervention against Joseph Kony, saying that Jews should be forced to do business with Nazis, wanting to ban Muslim women from wearing burqas, and growing state government spending as governor. Weld has a history of supporting affirmative action, eminent domain, environmental regulations, gun control, the Iraq War, the Patriot Act, the presidential candidacy of Barack Obama, and most recently, the presidential candidacy of John Kasich.

It is hard to view this as anything other than a culmination of the hostile takeover of the Libertarian Party by cuckservatives and cuckertarians that has been underway for a long time. To quote myself from an earlier article,

“The cuckertarian denounces anarchist libertarians as utopian idealists, preaching instead a form of limited statism that contains obvious contradictions. Cuckertarians prefer to moderate the message of liberty to reach a wider audience, but in the process they corrupt it into something that a consistently principled libertarian would barely recognize. In the Libertarian Party, this results in moderate or even fake libertarians gaining the presidential nomination.”

Some libertarians may say that this election is a test to see whether libertarians can work within the system, but has this experiment not been run repeatedly for the past 40 years, with essentially the same result each time? This many attempts should be enough to convince even the most stalwart party operative that, in the words of Christopher Cantwell,

“Any libertarian who tells you he is trying to win an election is either lying to you about trying to win the election, lying to us about being a libertarian, or terribly misinformed. As far as we are concerned, elections are a bad thing. We are trying to end them, not win them. …Libertarians are anarchists, whether they realize it or not. Even the ones who are delusional enough to think that they are going to get elected and restore the bloody republic, are little more than useful idiots who are repeating anarchist propaganda for us through channels normally reserved for government. The goal is not to win your elections, the goal is to turn a large enough minority against the legitimacy of the State as to make its continued function impossible.”

Unfortunately, the troubles did not end with the presidential nominating process. At a time when the Libertarian Party most needs itself to be taken seriously by the American people, one candidate for party chair decided to perform a striptease on the convention stage during the process to fill that office. But perhaps worst of all, failed presidential candidate John McAfee thought it wise to attack the core demographic of libertarianism. During his concession speech, McAfee said,

“When I first joined the Libertarian Party, two things stood out very starkly. One, 75 percent of you are men. Number two, 99.8 percent of you are white. Shame on you. Shame on you, and shame on me for never having mentioned it before.”

If anything, white men deserve praise for being the demographic group that is intelligent enough to become libertarians to such a disproportionate extent. What McAfee is suggesting is that there is a white man’s burden, that it is the responsibility of white males to make sure that females and non-whites are educated and behaving properly. But rather than denouncing him as a racist and sexist, as would have been proper, the audience applauded him. Even if his intended point was that more outreach should be done to females and non-whites, there are evolutionary reasons to believe that this will be less than fruitful.

The long-term result of the 2016 Libertarian Party National Convention is hard to predict, but it did nothing to help the image of libertarianism while doing much to pollute its message. As such, the best result in the general election may be one of total failure so that libertarians can reject the approach taken by the party. As always, the path to liberty is anti-political.